By Roos Haer
This booklet examines even if alterations within the organizational constitution of armed teams form styles of human rights violations in civil wars.
Since the top of worldwide battle II, civil wars were characterised via super excessive numbers of civilian casualties. besides the fact that, the precise quantity of civilian pain varies throughout time, clash, and geographic area. lately, a brand new strand of analysis has emerged, essentially thinking about learning the dynamics underlying the adaptation in civilian abuse through analyzing the features of the armed teams and the way those features effect the armed teams’ behaviour in the direction of the civilian inhabitants.
With connection with principal-agent idea and information at the organizational constitution of greater than 70 armed teams lively world wide from 1989 onwards, the author’s research services either at the point of the armed crew and at the point of the person through own interviews with fighters.
Offering a different perception into how elements similar to recruitment tools, hierarchy and organizational dedication may well have an effect on the chance of civilian abuse by way of warring parties, this e-book might be of a lot curiosity to scholars of political violence, civil wars, conflict and clash reviews, safety reviews and IR in general.
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This booklet examines no matter if alterations within the organizational constitution of armed teams form styles of human rights violations in civil wars. because the finish of global conflict II, civil wars were characterised by means of tremendous excessive numbers of civilian casualties. despite the fact that, the precise quantity of civilian agony varies throughout time, clash, and geographic sector.
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Extra resources for Armed Group Structure and Violence in Civil Wars: The Organizational Dynamics of Civilian Killing
Prisoner’s dilemma models combine both perspectives (Lichbach 1994: 386). According to these models, the cards seem stacked against rebellion. Members of armed groups confront possibly disastrous private costs and uncertain public benefits. Moreover, the benefits provide no incentive to act, since they will receive them anyway without participating. In addition, their resources will not make any difference. As such, the individual costs provide every incentive not to act. Olsen (1965) stated that this kind of collective action problem is especially apparent in large groups.
A good example is the civil-military setting. It is reasonable to posit that both civilian principals and the military agents want the same thing: security 16 Theory for the state. However, they might disagree on how to provide that security, in general and especially in particular settings (Feaver 2005: 59). Even more controversy surrounds the topic of goal variance in armed movements and how this relates to human rights abuses. In some studies, scholars have simplified the analysis by assuming that “the act of repression has no utility” (Gartner and Regan 1996).
However, when these means fail or are deemed too costly or demanding, leaders are forced to choose between compromising their most important goals and interests or resorting to more violent methods to achieve them (Valentino 2004: 67). For example, Daly (2002) note when talking about the military strategy of the Ḥarakat al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah (HAMAS), that although some of their attacks are successful against military strategies, most are carried out against civilians. ” If we approach civilian killings from this strategic perspective, benefits of civilian abuse accrue to the group rather than to the individual member and the cost of committing the abuse is applied to the individual rather than the group (Humphreys and Weinstein 2006: 433).