By Gilles Kepel
Considering that 2001, dominant worldviews have clashed within the worldwide enviornment: a neoconservative nightmare of an insidious Islamic terrorist risk to civilized lifestyles, and a jihadist fantasy of martyrdom throughout the slaughter of infidels. around the airwaves and at the flooring, an ill-defined and uncontrollable battle has raged among those opposing situations. lethal pictures and threats—from the televised beheading of Western hostages to image images of torture at Abu Ghraib, from the destruction wrought by way of suicide bombers in London and Madrid to civilian deaths by the hands of yankee career forces in Iraq—have polarized populations on each side of this divide. but, because the famous center East pupil and commentator Gilles Kepel demonstrates, President Bush’s struggle on Terror mask a fancy political time table within the heart East—enforcing democracy, having access to Iraqi oil, securing Israel, and looking regime swap in Iran. Osama bin Laden’s demand martyrs to get up opposed to the apostate and hasten the sunrise of a common Islamic kingdom papers over a fractured, fragmented Islamic global that's waging battle opposed to itself. past Terror and Martyrdom sounds the alarm to the West and to Islam that either one of those exhausted narratives are bankrupt—neither effective of democratic swap within the heart East nor of team spirit in Islam. Kepel urges us to flee the ideological quagmire of terrorism and martyrdom and discover the phrases of a brand new and confident discussion among Islam and the West, one for which Europe, with its increasing and stressed Muslim populations, could be the proving flooring. (20081127)
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Extra info for Beyond Terror and Martyrdom: The Future of the Middle East
In Islamic doctrine, this leads to chaos and anarchy, threatens Muslim society from within, and eventually brings about its destruction. 37 38 BEYON D TERROR A N D M A RTY R D O M From Iraqi Resistance to Ethnic Cleansing By late summer of 2003, barely four months after the fall of Baghdad, the Sunni jihadists’ opposition to Westerners and Shiites was obvious to observers. N. headquarters in Baghdad was attacked in a “martyrdom operation” that killed Brazilian diplomat Sergio Vieira de Mello—the secretary-general’s special envoy—and several of his colleagues.
His argument was that in Israel, where men and women alike serve as army reservists, any citizen is a potential combatant, and therefore by definition a legitimate target for defensive jihad. 18 Coming from a religious scholar professing to occupy the “middle ground” (wasatiyya) between the jihadists and the ulema (Muslim scholars trained in Islamic law) who were co-opted by the regime, this ruling indicated the degree of support that the insurrection enjoyed among Sunnis and the Islamic imprimatur it could claim worldwide, where over 80 percent of Muslims are Sunnis.
His first directives demobilized the officers and soldiers of the Iraqi army, liquidated the armed forces, and banned from public office all former Baathists belonging to the party’s four highest ranks—around 30,000 individuals. These measures targeted what the occupiers described as “former regime loyalists,” many of whom belonged to the ruling Sunni minority and some of whom were members of Saddam’s extended family. FROM TH E WA R O N TE R RO R TO THE F I ASCO I N I R AQ In his memoirs, Bremer does not say much about these mea sures, and one is left to wonder whether they were inspired by deNazification in Germany after World War II or by the communist purges that followed the fall of the Berlin wall and the disappearance of the Soviet system in Eastern Europe.