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4 per cent in 1994. 1 per cent, following the 1998 financial crisis. 51 Local industrial and agricultural decline was the other major economic factor determining local livelihoods. Local decline to some extent mirrored the national fall in Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Russian GDP in 2000 was, according to estimates, a mere 63 per cent of GDP in 1989, although that did represent a substantial improvement since the deep recession of the first half of the 1990s. 58 An eerie sight in less fertile areas was acre after acre of abandoned, weed-covered fields.
Chuvashia (rural) (39/38) 38. Kurgan (rural) (36/37) 39. Bryansk (41/41) 40. Penza (rural) (40/39) 41. Marii El (rural) (38/40) 42. Ivanovo (42/42) Sources: RSE 2002, pp. 292–3; RSE 2001, p. 293 (AW’s rankings); Granberg and Zaitseva, p. 16, using Goskomstat definition of GRP. Notes The region’s (Goskomstat) ranking in 1999 is shown in brackets, followed by Granberg and Zaitseva’s re-calculated 1999 ranking, taking into account price differences between regions. ‘Rural’ ϭ urban population under 65 per cent (Russian mean ϭ 73 per cent).
The word may imply Soviet-era blocks of flats attached to a factory out in the countryside, but other poselki, like Achit, look like the villages they once were. Medvedkov and Medvedkov describe poselki as ‘semiurban’. To some extent the upgrading of status from village to poselok reflected the actual acquisition of urban features, such as electrification and mains water. The implication of an improvement in amenities is one reason why the change to urban status was definitely perceived as upgrading.